Dona nobis pacem
Source: The Independent
Link: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/fisk/robert-fisk-the-cult-of-the-suicide-bomber-795649.html
Title: "The cult of the suicide bomber", by Robert Fisk
Date: March 14, 2008
Robert Fisk of The Independent attempts to calculate the scale of the suicide-bombing phenomenon in the era of the Bush Wars:
It is an interesting—and chilling—perspective, one we are not likely to hear from our own American media. In truth, the scale of the phenomenon is puzzling. While eleven hundred suicide bombers seems a tall number, it is actually lower than I would have guessed. The low-end figures of thirteen thousand dead and sixteen thousand wounded, however, are ghastly. Stunning. The power of the suicide bomber is a repugnant reminder of our imperial inefficacy, a further indictment of our disingenuous leadership.
Not only does the suicide bomber reiterate a concept ingrained in a generation's conscience by a fantasy—a stunt fighter against the Death Star—it calls into question the collateral American warlords were willing to write off. Immediately after the fall of Baghdad, days of bloody chaos including chilling reports of murder and riot, looting, and even the mass rapes of psychiatric patients reminded of prewar criticism about troop levels. Coalition forces were insufficient to manage the situation, and so in a sickening breach of the Geneva Conventions, they didn't even try. And yet, at the outset, making the obvious point about holding Iraq ended at least one general's career.
Despite President Bush's declaration that major combat was finished, regardless of the infamous "Mission Accomplished" banner and flight-suit propaganda, the decay of Iraq does not represent a theater Americans ever held and then lost. It does not represent a consequence of returning political authority to Iraqis. Coalition forces never secured Iraq. Ongoing plans for permanent bases and Senator McCain's suggestion that we should stay for a hundred years if that is what the situation requires only reinforce the growing suspicion that war planners never intended to leave Iraq. Deliberate understaffing, the choice to never secure the theater, even the dubious measure of arming local militias who could, at any given provocation, turn those guns against our troops: it becomes harder and harder to simply dismiss the notion that this outcome is not one of administrative incompetence, but rather of administrative will.
If our enemies could drop laser-guided bombs from airplanes, or launch missiles from a thousand miles away, they would. But they cannot. The evolution of the suicide-bomber in the Iraqi and Afghani theaters seems to have been both foreseeable and inevitable. The toll exacted by what Fisk calls a cult—and that sum yet to be collected—are, indeed, part of what the Bush administration was willing to spend in order to institute the New American Century.
Source: The Independent
Link: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/fisk/robert-fisk-the-cult-of-the-suicide-bomber-795649.html
Title: "The cult of the suicide bomber", by Robert Fisk
Date: March 14, 2008
Robert Fisk of The Independent attempts to calculate the scale of the suicide-bombing phenomenon in the era of the Bush Wars:
What is astonishing – what is not mentioned by the Americans or the Iraqi "government" or the British authorities or indeed by many journalists – is the sheer scale of the suicide campaign, the vast numbers of young men (only occasionally women), who wilfully destroy themselves amid the American convoys, outside the Iraqi police stations, in markets and around mosques and in shopping streets and on lonely roads beside remote checkpoints across the huge cities and vast deserts of Iraq. Never have the true figures for this astonishing and unprecedented campaign of self-liquidation been calculated.
But a month-long investigation by The Independent, culling four Arabic-language newspapers, official Iraqi statistics, two Beirut news agencies and Western reports, shows that an incredible 1,121 Muslim suicide bombers have blown themselves up in Iraq. This is a very conservative figure and – given the propensity of the authorities (and of journalists) to report only those suicide bombings that kill dozens of people – the true estimate may be double this number. On several days, six – even nine – suicide bombers have exploded themselves in Iraq in a display of almost Wal-Mart availability. If life in Iraq is cheap, death is cheaper.
This is perhaps the most frightening and ghoulish legacy of George Bush's invasion of Iraq five years ago. Suicide bombers in Iraq have killed at least 13,000 men, women and children – our most conservative estimate gives a total figure of 13,132 – and wounded a minimum of 16,112 people. If we include the dead and wounded in the mass stampede at the Baghdad Tigris river bridge in the summer of 2005 – caused by fear of suicide bombers – the figures rise to 14,132 and 16,612 respectively. Again, it must be emphasised that these statistics are minimums. For 529 of the suicide bombings in Iraq, no figures for wounded are available. Where wounded have been listed in news reports as "several", we have made no addition to the figures. And the number of critically injured who later died remains unknown. Set against a possible death toll of half a million Iraqis since the March 2003 invasion, the suicide bombers' victims may appear insignificant; but the killers' ability to terrorise civilians, militiamen and Western troops and mercenaries is incalculable.
Never before has the Arab world witnessed a phenomenon of suicide-death on this scale. During Israel's occupation of Lebanon after 1982, one Hizbollah suicide-bombing a month was considered remarkable. During the Palestinian intifadas of the 1980s and 1990s, four per month was regarded as unprecedented. But suicide bombers in Iraq have been attacking at the average rate of two every three days since the 2003 Anglo-American invasion ....
.... Even more profoundly disturbing is that the "cult" of the suicide bomber has seeped across national frontiers. Within a year of the Iraqi invasion, Afghan Taliban bombers were blowing themselves up alongside Western troops or bases in Helmand province and in the capital Kabul. The practice leached into Pakistan, striking down thousands of troops and civilians, killing even the principal opposition leader, Benazir Bhutto. The London Tube and bus bombings – despite the denials of Tony Blair – were obviously deeply influenced by events in Iraq ....
.... Throughout the five years of war, suicide bombers have focused on Iraq's own American-trained security forces rather than US troops. At least 365 attacks have been staged against Iraqi police or paramilitary forces. Their targets included at least 147 police stations (1,577 deaths), 43 army and police recruitment centres (939 deaths), 91 checkpoints (with a minimum of 564 fatalities), 92 security patrols (465 deaths) and numerous other police targets (escorts, convoys accompanying government ministers, etc). One of the recruitment centres – in the centre of Baghdad – was assaulted by suicide bombers on eight separate occasions.
By contrast, suicide bombers have attacked only 24 US bases at a cost of 100 American dead and 15 Iraqis, and 43 American patrols and checkpoints, during which 116 US personnel were killed along with at least 56 civilians, 15 of whom appear to have been shot by American soldiers in response to the attacks, and another 26 of whom were children standing next to a US patrol. Most of the Americans were killed west or north of Baghdad. Suicide attacks on the police concentrated on Baghdad and Mosul and the Sunni towns to the immediate north and south of Baghdad.
.... One of George Bush's most insidious legacies in Iraq thus remains its most mysterious; the marriage of nationalism and spiritual ferocity, the birth of an unprecedentedly huge army of Muslims inspired by the idea of death.
(Fisk)
It is an interesting—and chilling—perspective, one we are not likely to hear from our own American media. In truth, the scale of the phenomenon is puzzling. While eleven hundred suicide bombers seems a tall number, it is actually lower than I would have guessed. The low-end figures of thirteen thousand dead and sixteen thousand wounded, however, are ghastly. Stunning. The power of the suicide bomber is a repugnant reminder of our imperial inefficacy, a further indictment of our disingenuous leadership.
Not only does the suicide bomber reiterate a concept ingrained in a generation's conscience by a fantasy—a stunt fighter against the Death Star—it calls into question the collateral American warlords were willing to write off. Immediately after the fall of Baghdad, days of bloody chaos including chilling reports of murder and riot, looting, and even the mass rapes of psychiatric patients reminded of prewar criticism about troop levels. Coalition forces were insufficient to manage the situation, and so in a sickening breach of the Geneva Conventions, they didn't even try. And yet, at the outset, making the obvious point about holding Iraq ended at least one general's career.
Despite President Bush's declaration that major combat was finished, regardless of the infamous "Mission Accomplished" banner and flight-suit propaganda, the decay of Iraq does not represent a theater Americans ever held and then lost. It does not represent a consequence of returning political authority to Iraqis. Coalition forces never secured Iraq. Ongoing plans for permanent bases and Senator McCain's suggestion that we should stay for a hundred years if that is what the situation requires only reinforce the growing suspicion that war planners never intended to leave Iraq. Deliberate understaffing, the choice to never secure the theater, even the dubious measure of arming local militias who could, at any given provocation, turn those guns against our troops: it becomes harder and harder to simply dismiss the notion that this outcome is not one of administrative incompetence, but rather of administrative will.
If our enemies could drop laser-guided bombs from airplanes, or launch missiles from a thousand miles away, they would. But they cannot. The evolution of the suicide-bomber in the Iraqi and Afghani theaters seems to have been both foreseeable and inevitable. The toll exacted by what Fisk calls a cult—and that sum yet to be collected—are, indeed, part of what the Bush administration was willing to spend in order to institute the New American Century.