What History Will Tell
One of the most intriguing aspects of the Israel-Hamas war is how much the Israeli people seem to disagree with their government. Many blame Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for decisions said to have left the nation vulnerable, and inasmuch as the Hamas atrocity in Israel on 7 October is any part of some larger consideration, Netanyahu's finance minister, Belazel Smotrich, describes Hamas as an "asset". In 2020, defense minister Avigdor Lieberman resigned over the Netanyahu government's efforts on behalf of Hamas, denouncing "the first time Israel is funding terrorism against itself".
Early questions wondered how Israel could be so unprepared, including chatter of troop movements that basically cleared the path for an Hamas incursion. More recently, there is even suggestion that Israeli sigint stopped monitoring Hamas radio communications. Between incompetence and betrayal, there is a lot going on; per CBC↱, "Many accuse [Netanyahu] of deliberately empowering [Hamas] for decades as part of a strategy to sabotage a two-state solution".
A former head of Shin Bet, Yuval Diskin, was more direct; a decade ago, he explained, "If we look at it over the years, one of the main people contributing to Hamas's strengthening has been Bibi Netanyahu, since his first term as prime minister."
Netanyahu's first term as prime minister came after an Israeli rightist murdered PM Yitzhak Rabin in opposition to the Oslo Accords. CBC recalls, "On March 12, 2019, Netanyahu defended the Hamas payments to his Likud Party caucus on the grounds that they weakened the pro-Oslo Palestinian Authority". And in between, imagine a young tough swiping a hood ornament, being celebrated for his crime, and in that moment calling for murder. He might even grow up to be refused military service for being too extremist, but if you're Benjamin Netanyahu, someone like Itamar Ben Gvir is an ideal candidate for minister of national security.
Even Saudi Arabia, one of the world's most infamous regimes, could perform the basic stations of geopolitics; Prince Turki bin Faisal split his criticism between Hamas and Israel. It is one thing if Hamas has committed an atrocity, undermined the Palestinian Authority ("as Israel has been doing"), and sabotaged both Saudi efforts in particular and the Palestinian people in general. But it was also easy enough to denounce Israel for facilitating Hamas.
MK Haim Jelin, then with Yesh Atid, said, four years ago, "Gaza border residents are paying the price for the lack of policy and the arrogance" of Netanyahu's campaign against Palestine. Kibbutz Be'eri, where Jelin lives, lost at least one hundred thirty people on 7 October, with others taken captive.
The arrogance Jelin describes is palpable:
Over a quarter-century after an Israeli conservative assassinated a prime minister for not being genocidal enough, the Nazi-sympathizing successor continues his merry way along a genocidal campaign. And as Israelis grapple with questions about how the government could be so unprepared, one thing still very difficult to comprehend and calculate is a question of will. No, Israelis didn't specifically invite Hamas to attack, but Netanyahu dared them. Double-dared them. Triple-dog dared them. And while some of the American-grade superficial politicking runs nigh on conspiracist, such as blaming Russia for both the Hamas attack and coincident American Congressional dysfunction, other questions about troop deployments, sigint failures, facilitation of Hamas, and even wagging genocide in public will persist in historical assessment until their answers are understood.
In its way, this must remain a matter of failure; the alternative is unspeakable, and ought to rest beyond the pale of reasonable imagination. The Hamas attack, and its toll and manner, is an atrocity. That Israel would respond with atrocity of its own is about as obvious and predictable as can be. Inasmuch as that was part of Hamas' calculation, Israelis now countenance the perfect storm of failure that coincides with such an extraordinary pretext for a chance to fulfill over a quarter-century of genocidal intention. That Hamas could commit such an act, and even Israelis are eyeing their own government, tells us something about how far this is gone.
Americans have a microbubble version, as some political conservatives attempt to countenance what their movement has become. In that way, the Israeli moment reads like a later stage of a process we perceive in other experiences, a certain manner of disbelief because regardless of the fact that they keep giving Likud and Netanyahu a chance, some part of so many Israelis never really believed it would go this far.
From abroad, the conflict between Israel and Hamas looks like a war with no good guys. And while it is not quite infighting within a cohort of villains, something about the lack of necessity, somewhere between inessential and wanton, haunts this war like perpetual accusation.
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Notes:
Dyer, Evan. "How Netanyahu's Hamas policy came back to haunt him — and Israel". CBC News. 28 October 2023. CBC.ca. 30 October 2023. https://bit.ly/45QcDCQ
One of the most intriguing aspects of the Israel-Hamas war is how much the Israeli people seem to disagree with their government. Many blame Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for decisions said to have left the nation vulnerable, and inasmuch as the Hamas atrocity in Israel on 7 October is any part of some larger consideration, Netanyahu's finance minister, Belazel Smotrich, describes Hamas as an "asset". In 2020, defense minister Avigdor Lieberman resigned over the Netanyahu government's efforts on behalf of Hamas, denouncing "the first time Israel is funding terrorism against itself".
Early questions wondered how Israel could be so unprepared, including chatter of troop movements that basically cleared the path for an Hamas incursion. More recently, there is even suggestion that Israeli sigint stopped monitoring Hamas radio communications. Between incompetence and betrayal, there is a lot going on; per CBC↱, "Many accuse [Netanyahu] of deliberately empowering [Hamas] for decades as part of a strategy to sabotage a two-state solution".
"There's been a lot of criticism of Netanyahu in Israel for instating a policy for many years of strengthening Hamas and keeping Gaza on the brink while weakening the Palestinian Authority," said Mairav Zonszein of the International Crisis Group. "And we've seen that happening very clearly on the ground."
"(Hamas and Netanyahu) are mutually reinforcing, in the sense that they provide each other with a way to continue to use force and rejectionism as opposed to making sacrifices and compromises in order to reach some kind of resolution," Zonszein told CBC News from Tel Aviv.
This symbiotic relationship between Netanyahu and Hamas has been remarked on for years, by both friends and enemies, hawks and doves.
"(Hamas and Netanyahu) are mutually reinforcing, in the sense that they provide each other with a way to continue to use force and rejectionism as opposed to making sacrifices and compromises in order to reach some kind of resolution," Zonszein told CBC News from Tel Aviv.
This symbiotic relationship between Netanyahu and Hamas has been remarked on for years, by both friends and enemies, hawks and doves.
A former head of Shin Bet, Yuval Diskin, was more direct; a decade ago, he explained, "If we look at it over the years, one of the main people contributing to Hamas's strengthening has been Bibi Netanyahu, since his first term as prime minister."
Netanyahu's first term as prime minister came after an Israeli rightist murdered PM Yitzhak Rabin in opposition to the Oslo Accords. CBC recalls, "On March 12, 2019, Netanyahu defended the Hamas payments to his Likud Party caucus on the grounds that they weakened the pro-Oslo Palestinian Authority". And in between, imagine a young tough swiping a hood ornament, being celebrated for his crime, and in that moment calling for murder. He might even grow up to be refused military service for being too extremist, but if you're Benjamin Netanyahu, someone like Itamar Ben Gvir is an ideal candidate for minister of national security.
Even Saudi Arabia, one of the world's most infamous regimes, could perform the basic stations of geopolitics; Prince Turki bin Faisal split his criticism between Hamas and Israel. It is one thing if Hamas has committed an atrocity, undermined the Palestinian Authority ("as Israel has been doing"), and sabotaged both Saudi efforts in particular and the Palestinian people in general. But it was also easy enough to denounce Israel for facilitating Hamas.
On March 12, 2019, Netanyahu defended the Hamas payments to his Likud Party caucus on the grounds that they weakened the pro-Oslo Palestinian Authority, according to the Jerusalem Post:
"Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu defended Israel's regular allowing of Qatari funds to be transferred into Gaza, saying it is part of a broader strategy to keep Hamas and the Palestinian Authority separate, a source in Monday's Likud faction meeting said," the Post reported.
"The prime minister also said that 'whoever is against a Palestinian state should be for' transferring the funds to Gaza, because maintaining a separation between the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza helps prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state."
Netanyahu insisted that neither the money nor the construction material given to Hamas would be diverted to military purposes. But today, the IDF finds itself showing how Hamas has done exactly that — by diverting and converting civilian funds and materials to warlike purposes.
The military tried to warn him at the time, former IDF chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot told the Ma'ariv newspaper. He said Netanyahu acted "in total opposition to the national assessment of the National Security Council, which determined that there was a need to disconnect from the Palestinians and establish two states."
"Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu defended Israel's regular allowing of Qatari funds to be transferred into Gaza, saying it is part of a broader strategy to keep Hamas and the Palestinian Authority separate, a source in Monday's Likud faction meeting said," the Post reported.
"The prime minister also said that 'whoever is against a Palestinian state should be for' transferring the funds to Gaza, because maintaining a separation between the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza helps prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state."
Netanyahu insisted that neither the money nor the construction material given to Hamas would be diverted to military purposes. But today, the IDF finds itself showing how Hamas has done exactly that — by diverting and converting civilian funds and materials to warlike purposes.
The military tried to warn him at the time, former IDF chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot told the Ma'ariv newspaper. He said Netanyahu acted "in total opposition to the national assessment of the National Security Council, which determined that there was a need to disconnect from the Palestinians and establish two states."
MK Haim Jelin, then with Yesh Atid, said, four years ago, "Gaza border residents are paying the price for the lack of policy and the arrogance" of Netanyahu's campaign against Palestine. Kibbutz Be'eri, where Jelin lives, lost at least one hundred thirty people on 7 October, with others taken captive.
The arrogance Jelin describes is palpable:
And just twelve days before the Hamas massacres in southern Israel, Netanyahu addressed the UN General Assembly, holding a map of what he called "The New Middle East" that showed all of the West Bank and Gaza, as well as East Jerusalem and the Syrian Golan Heights, as parts of an enlarged Israel, with no Palestinian state in sight.
Over a quarter-century after an Israeli conservative assassinated a prime minister for not being genocidal enough, the Nazi-sympathizing successor continues his merry way along a genocidal campaign. And as Israelis grapple with questions about how the government could be so unprepared, one thing still very difficult to comprehend and calculate is a question of will. No, Israelis didn't specifically invite Hamas to attack, but Netanyahu dared them. Double-dared them. Triple-dog dared them. And while some of the American-grade superficial politicking runs nigh on conspiracist, such as blaming Russia for both the Hamas attack and coincident American Congressional dysfunction, other questions about troop deployments, sigint failures, facilitation of Hamas, and even wagging genocide in public will persist in historical assessment until their answers are understood.
In its way, this must remain a matter of failure; the alternative is unspeakable, and ought to rest beyond the pale of reasonable imagination. The Hamas attack, and its toll and manner, is an atrocity. That Israel would respond with atrocity of its own is about as obvious and predictable as can be. Inasmuch as that was part of Hamas' calculation, Israelis now countenance the perfect storm of failure that coincides with such an extraordinary pretext for a chance to fulfill over a quarter-century of genocidal intention. That Hamas could commit such an act, and even Israelis are eyeing their own government, tells us something about how far this is gone.
Americans have a microbubble version, as some political conservatives attempt to countenance what their movement has become. In that way, the Israeli moment reads like a later stage of a process we perceive in other experiences, a certain manner of disbelief because regardless of the fact that they keep giving Likud and Netanyahu a chance, some part of so many Israelis never really believed it would go this far.
From abroad, the conflict between Israel and Hamas looks like a war with no good guys. And while it is not quite infighting within a cohort of villains, something about the lack of necessity, somewhere between inessential and wanton, haunts this war like perpetual accusation.
____________________
Notes:
Dyer, Evan. "How Netanyahu's Hamas policy came back to haunt him — and Israel". CBC News. 28 October 2023. CBC.ca. 30 October 2023. https://bit.ly/45QcDCQ